True, a freedom agenda will not change people's attitudes overnight. However, if pursued consistently, over time, with bipartisan support in the US - and more constant support in Europe - it will have a chance to make serious headway. There are many "ifs" here, but pro-democracy activists can only live on hope; or, as the late Syrian playwright Saadallah Wannous put it, they are condemned to hope.

In a satirical poem titled "When," posted on Arabic reformist websites including www.aafaq.org , reformist Saudi author and journalist Wajeha Al-Huwaider lamented what she regards as the conditions in the Arab world. In the introduction to this poem, she wrote: "'When' is an ode to the troubles of the Arab citizen. Both men and women participated in its [writing], and it is still open to additions. This ode will be hung on the walls of the palaces of the Arab rulers, so feel free to add you contributions."

Blogging is fast becoming a serious threat to traditional authority in the region, be it political or religious.

Blogging is fast becoming a serious threat to traditional authority in the region, be it political or religious.

For thirty years or more I have been dreaming of the creation of an independent Palestinian state. It has been a dream of nationhood. Many voices have put words to my dream: the passionate and patriotic speeches and announcements of Hajj Amin al-Husseini, the former Mufti of Palestine, one of the most famous political leader during World War 2; the speeches of Ahmad Al-Shukairy, the founder of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, and its first president; Ahmad Yasin and Khaled Mishal, respectively the founder and political leader of Hamas.

For thirty years or more I have been dreaming of the creation of an independent Palestinian state. It has been a dream of nationhood. Many voices have put words to my dream: the passionate and patriotic speeches and announcements of Hajj Amin al-Husseini, the former Mufti of Palestine, one of the most famous political leader during World War 2; the speeches of Ahmad Al-Shukairy, the founder of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation, and its first president; Ahmad Yasin and Khaled Mishal, respectively the founder and political leader of Hamas.

Shikaki, who also is a senior fellow at Brandeis University's Crown Center for Middle East Studies, says exit polls that showed Fatah winning the election were flawed because Hamas urged its supporters not to talk to exit interviewers in order to prevent Fatah supporters from possibly destroying ballots if they thought Hamas was winning.

Shikaki, who also is a senior fellow at Brandeis University's Crown Center for Middle East Studies, says exit polls that showed Fatah winning the election were flawed because Hamas urged its supporters not to talk to exit interviewers in order to prevent Fatah supporters from possibly destroying ballots if they thought Hamas was winning.

For 40 years women in Kuwait have fought for their political rights. That fight culminated in success on May 16, 2005 when women were granted the vote. In view of the fact that Kuwait has invested heavily and indiscriminately in human capital during the last 50 years so as to offer its male and female citizens free education and health, we are appalled that it also discriminated against women for so long by having only the male population participate in political life. Kuwaiti men were allowed to vote and run for various political offices, were appointed to cabinet positions, and participated in the country's decision-making process.

For 40 years women in Kuwait have fought for their political rights. That fight culminated in success on May 16, 2005 when women were granted the vote. In view of the fact that Kuwait has invested heavily and indiscriminately in human capital during the last 50 years so as to offer its male and female citizens free education and health, we are appalled that it also discriminated against women for so long by having only the male population participate in political life. Kuwaiti men were allowed to vote and run for various political offices, were appointed to cabinet positions, and participated in the country's decision-making process.

On May 16, 2005, Kuwaiti women were given the right to vote and the right to run for political offi ce. Previously, many had doubted the likelihood of such change, but Kuwaiti women were able to take the fi rst step toward deepening democracy and reversing backwardness. Those who fought for suffrage were accused of ruining the social fabric of Kuwait, of being anti-religious and anti-nationalist.

On May 16, 2005, Kuwaiti women were given the right to vote and the right to run for political offi ce. Previously, many had doubted the likelihood of such change, but Kuwaiti women were able to take the fi rst step toward deepening democracy and reversing backwardness. Those who fought for suffrage were accused of ruining the social fabric of Kuwait, of being anti-religious and anti-nationalist.

It seems that terrorism in Iraq blew up in the face of its perpetrators. Instead of achieving the objective of impeding the Iraqi elections and encumbering the process of the inauguration of the majority in their respective positions according to the ethos of democracy, it meted out damages to the side these terrorists claim to defend and their acquired, yet wasted rights, with the collapse of the mass grave regime.

It seems that terrorism in Iraq blew up in the face of its perpetrators. Instead of achieving the objective of impeding the Iraqi elections and encumbering the process of the inauguration of the majority in their respective positions according to the ethos of democracy, it meted out damages to the side these terrorists claim to defend and their acquired, yet wasted rights, with the collapse of the mass grave regime.

The first democracies we're going to have in the region—potentially—are the ones that were forced upon the regimes in those countries.

The first democracies we're going to have in the region—potentially—are the ones that were forced upon the regimes in those countries.

MR. NEMATT: So we've had elections in Afghanistan. Are we going to have them in Iraq?

DEPUTY SECRETARY ARMITAGE: Yes. This was one of the subjects that I spoke about with the Deputy President today. He expressed his view that we should have these by the end of January and be all-inclusive, which is exactly our view as well.

MR. NEMATT: So we've had elections in Afghanistan. Are we going to have them in Iraq?

DEPUTY SECRETARY ARMITAGE: Yes. This was one of the subjects that I spoke about with the Deputy President today. He expressed his view that we should have these by the end of January and be all-inclusive, which is exactly our view as well.

An interesting phenomenon has been taking place of late: coverage in the international media of the activities of Arab and Muslim terrorists has given way, for a short while at least, to a consideration of Arab liberal intellectuals and activists and their potential role in the longed-for reform process in the Arab world.

An interesting phenomenon has been taking place of late: coverage in the international media of the activities of Arab and Muslim terrorists has given way, for a short while at least, to a consideration of Arab liberal intellectuals and activists and their potential role in the longed-for reform process in the Arab world.

Tens of millions of Arabs witnessed the toppling of Saddam Hussein last spring, and saw in his fall reflections of their own situation. Rightly so, for Iraq's transition can mark the start of the fall of the "Arab Wall"--the invisible barrier of authoritarianism and rigidity that isolates the region as surely as the Berlin Wall once cut Europe in two.

These extremists are pathologically jealous. They feel like dwarfs, which is why they search for towers and all those who tower mightily.

These extremists are pathologically jealous. They feel like dwarfs, which is why they search for towers and all those who tower mightily.

Yasir Arafat has been neither an orchestrator nor a spectator of the second intifada; he has been its target. A young guard of Palestinian nationalists, angry at both Israel and the corrupt Palestinian Authority, lies behind the violence. Arafat must reform his government and secure a credible peace process - before it's too late.

Yasir Arafat has been neither an orchestrator nor a spectator of the second intifada; he has been its target. A young guard of Palestinian nationalists, angry at both Israel and the corrupt Palestinian Authority, lies behind the violence. Arafat must reform his government and secure a credible peace process - before it's too late.

The emergence of what may become a democratic, secular, and pluralist society in the Arab world is of particular significance. If the Palestinian Authority succeeds in creating a modern society that fully respects human rights and the principles of the United Nations, it will be an achievement of interest to the entire world. The symbolic dimension is obvious. It influences both the survival of a people and the peace of a sensitive region. Above all, it is of significance to the Arab world if Palestinians, so fragile and disadvantaged, are nevertheless capable of creating a society fully adapted to the standards of the modern world.

The emergence of what may become a democratic, secular, and pluralist society in the Arab world is of particular significance. If the Palestinian Authority succeeds in creating a modern society that fully respects human rights and the principles of the United Nations, it will be an achievement of interest to the entire world. The symbolic dimension is obvious. It influences both the survival of a people and the peace of a sensitive region. Above all, it is of significance to the Arab world if Palestinians, so fragile and disadvantaged, are nevertheless capable of creating a society fully adapted to the standards of the modern world.

Yasir Arafat and his loyalists have been the backbone of Palestinian support for the Oslo peace process, but Arafat will not live forever. Already, the corruption and repressive practices of his Palestinian Authority have sapped support for Oslo. His Islamist foes will not remain on the sidelines. Palestinian society's traditionalism makes the fundamentalists of Hamas the only credible alternative to Arafat's center, and they feed off frustration over Israeli intransigence. If the diplomatic deadlock, graft, and illiberalism continue after Arafat, Hamas could well take over.

Yasir Arafat and his loyalists have been the backbone of Palestinian support for the Oslo peace process, but Arafat will not live forever. Already, the corruption and repressive practices of his Palestinian Authority have sapped support for Oslo. His Islamist foes will not remain on the sidelines. Palestinian society's traditionalism makes the fundamentalists of Hamas the only credible alternative to Arafat's center, and they feed off frustration over Israeli intransigence. If the diplomatic deadlock, graft, and illiberalism continue after Arafat, Hamas could well take over.