Muslims are too rigid in our adherence to old, literal interpretations of the Koran. It's time to accept that God loves the faithful of all religions. It's time for Muslims to question our leaders and their strict teachings, to reach our own understanding of the prophet's words and to call for a bold renewal of our faith as a faith of goodwill, of peace and of light.

Muslims are too rigid in our adherence to old, literal interpretations of the Koran. It's time to accept that God loves the faithful of all religions. It's time for Muslims to question our leaders and their strict teachings, to reach our own understanding of the prophet's words and to call for a bold renewal of our faith as a faith of goodwill, of peace and of light.

Tribes are one of the basic components of society in Kuwait and the Gulf. In light of democratic movements and elections in Kuwait, tribes have continued to play a role in politics. Many questions surround the role of tribes in politics and the ability of tribes to manipulate the political process.

Tribes are one of the basic components of society in Kuwait and the Gulf. In light of democratic movements and elections in Kuwait, tribes have continued to play a role in politics. Many questions surround the role of tribes in politics and the ability of tribes to manipulate the political process.

Occasionally an honest voice rises, giving you a glimmer of hope that others will stand up. The MEMRI translation Web site (memri.org) just posted a poem called “When,” from a Saudi author, Wajeha al-Huwaider, that was posted on Arab reform sites like www.aafaq.org.

In a satirical poem titled "When," posted on Arabic reformist websites including www.aafaq.org , reformist Saudi author and journalist Wajeha Al-Huwaider lamented what she regards as the conditions in the Arab world. In the introduction to this poem, she wrote: "'When' is an ode to the troubles of the Arab citizen. Both men and women participated in its [writing], and it is still open to additions. This ode will be hung on the walls of the palaces of the Arab rulers, so feel free to add you contributions."

As Arabs suffered from the defeat of 1948, when Israel was established, and as they rallied behind a mass based movement of Arab nationalism, non- Arabs in Arab lands were in a peculiar position. Kurds in the 1950’s and 1960’s had a limited place in an Arab world marching towards Arab unity and nationalism. On another level Kurds were expected to assimilate in a grand movement of Arab Nationalism rather than focus on the divisive issues of identity, language, and possible secession. To be a Kurd or a Berber or an Assyrian was not welcome in an Arab world rising from defeat, and colonialism.

As Arabs suffered from the defeat of 1948, when Israel was established, and as they rallied behind a mass based movement of Arab nationalism, non- Arabs in Arab lands were in a peculiar position. Kurds in the 1950’s and 1960’s had a limited place in an Arab world marching towards Arab unity and nationalism. On another level Kurds were expected to assimilate in a grand movement of Arab Nationalism rather than focus on the divisive issues of identity, language, and possible secession. To be a Kurd or a Berber or an Assyrian was not welcome in an Arab world rising from defeat, and colonialism.

It is understandable that Muslims should feel angry and offended because of the caricatures published in the Danish press, and subsequently in other European newspapers. When a community's prophet is targeted, there is a natural feeling that the community itself has been singled out. And given that one of the pictures associated the Arab prophet with terrorism, by putting a bomb on his head, the sense that all Muslims have been stigmatised becomes comprehensible.

It is understandable that Muslims should feel angry and offended because of the caricatures published in the Danish press, and subsequently in other European newspapers. When a community's prophet is targeted, there is a natural feeling that the community itself has been singled out. And given that one of the pictures associated the Arab prophet with terrorism, by putting a bomb on his head, the sense that all Muslims have been stigmatised becomes comprehensible.

On May 16, 2005, Kuwaiti women were given the right to vote and the right to run for political offi ce. Previously, many had doubted the likelihood of such change, but Kuwaiti women were able to take the fi rst step toward deepening democracy and reversing backwardness. Those who fought for suffrage were accused of ruining the social fabric of Kuwait, of being anti-religious and anti-nationalist.

On May 16, 2005, Kuwaiti women were given the right to vote and the right to run for political offi ce. Previously, many had doubted the likelihood of such change, but Kuwaiti women were able to take the fi rst step toward deepening democracy and reversing backwardness. Those who fought for suffrage were accused of ruining the social fabric of Kuwait, of being anti-religious and anti-nationalist.

People like Abdulhamid are taking their revolutionary ideas not only to new coffeehouses in the Syrian capital - hangouts with names like Oxygen and Alal Bal ("On My Mind") - but also to global forums and to the Internet. The fact that the authorities are watching has "crossed my mind," he said nonchalantly. But he said officials are beginning to attend some of the gatherings around town, and Syria's first lady, Asma Assad, expressed an interest in Al Tharwa and asked to meet with its participants.

Tens of millions of Arabs witnessed the toppling of Saddam Hussein last spring, and saw in his fall reflections of their own situation. Rightly so, for Iraq's transition can mark the start of the fall of the "Arab Wall"--the invisible barrier of authoritarianism and rigidity that isolates the region as surely as the Berlin Wall once cut Europe in two.

Tunisian intellectual Lafif Lakhdar discusses the Arab identity crisis and education in the Arab world, in addition to other issues.

Tunisian intellectual Lafif Lakhdar discusses the Arab identity crisis and education in the Arab world, in addition to other issues.

Beneath the surface, the Arab condition is not well. Regimes that appear stable may be merely arthritic. Bombastic leaders are actually anxious, popular opinion is in flux.

Beneath the surface, the Arab condition is not well. Regimes that appear stable may be merely arthritic. Bombastic leaders are actually anxious, popular opinion is in flux.

Since visiting Israel in 1994 Mr. Salem has not found a producer for his works. He has two plays and a movie script gathering dust and, he said, nobody talks with him anymore about theater, only about politics. "I'm a playwright by nature, and a writer by coercion," Mr. Salem, who still writes newspaper columns, said in an interview. "I have become similar to Kafka's heroes — I don't know what exactly is demanded of me."

These extremists are pathologically jealous. They feel like dwarfs, which is why they search for towers and all those who tower mightily.

These extremists are pathologically jealous. They feel like dwarfs, which is why they search for towers and all those who tower mightily.

For the past eight years, since he returned from a trip to Israel, Salem has been vilified by the intellectual establishment in Egypt. It is almost impossible for him to publish inside the country. Recently, he was not even invited to attend a performance of his own work.

For the past eight years, since he returned from a trip to Israel, Salem has been vilified by the intellectual establishment in Egypt. It is almost impossible for him to publish inside the country. Recently, he was not even invited to attend a performance of his own work.

ALI SALEM: Yes, we'll have more progress because you will take share in our troubles. There is no first world, there is no second or third world; there is a village called this planet. And if somebody is dangerous in a village close to Cairo, this person, the same person, will be very, very dangerous in Hamburg, in London, in Paris, in New York. Thousands, thousands of the Americans died in order to have a better life for both of us. Yes. You know, it was our battle against these extremists.

ALI SALEM: Yes, we'll have more progress because you will take share in our troubles. There is no first world, there is no second or third world; there is a village called this planet. And if somebody is dangerous in a village close to Cairo, this person, the same person, will be very, very dangerous in Hamburg, in London, in Paris, in New York. Thousands, thousands of the Americans died in order to have a better life for both of us. Yes. You know, it was our battle against these extremists.

In order to gain a critical understanding of the persistence of Islamic archaism and all its paraphernalia, one must approach it through the logic of its own history, as well as that of the Arabo-Muslim bourgeoisie of the 19th and 20th centuries, which is radically different from the process of European history and from the residual folkloric Christianity of the present-day West.

In order to gain a critical understanding of the persistence of Islamic archaism and all its paraphernalia, one must approach it through the logic of its own history, as well as that of the Arabo-Muslim bourgeoisie of the 19th and 20th centuries, which is radically different from the process of European history and from the residual folkloric Christianity of the present-day West.