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| A History of Violence: Syria reminds Lebanon of their 'special relationship' |
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Lee Smith,
The Weekly Standard,
(02/15/2007)
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The attack, says Tony Badran, may have been a warning to Gemayel. "It may be that the Syrians thought Gemayel was going to Washington to campaign to replace Lahoud as president, and Damascus showed they would literally kill to stop it," says Badran. "It wouldn't be the first time. Remember that in 2004 Asad reportedly threatened Hariri that 'only he appoints the Lebanese president.' If not, as he told Hariri, 'he would break Lebanon over his head."
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Lee Smith,
The Weekly Standard,
(2007/02/15)
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| Three-Layered Conflicts |
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National Review Online,
(12/13/2006)
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The conventional wisdom is that every crisis in Lebanon has three dimensions: domestic, regional, and international. The current crisis in that country is a good example of this.
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National Review Online,
(2006/12/13)
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The conventional wisdom is that every crisis in Lebanon has three dimensions: domestic, regional, and international. The current crisis in that country is a good example of this.
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| Divided They Stand: The Syrian Opposition |
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The Mideast Monitor,
(10/31/2006)
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The late Syrian President Hafez Assad's success in maintaining his grip on power for three decades depended greatly on his skillful use of coercion and cooptation to divide opponents of the regime along ethnic, sectarian, and ideological lines.
His son and successor, Bashar, has failed to manage these divisions. Unfavorable international conditions, colossal foreign policy failures, and a precarious economy have left the regime with little bargaining leverage other than its control over the instruments of repression. This asset remains effective in silencing and intimidating dissidents individually, but ineffective in obstructing their collective gravitation around the demand for regime change.
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The Mideast Monitor,
(2006/10/31)
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The late Syrian President Hafez Assad's success in maintaining his grip on power for three decades depended greatly on his skillful use of coercion and cooptation to divide opponents of the regime along ethnic, sectarian, and ideological lines.
His son and successor, Bashar, has failed to manage these divisions. Unfavorable international conditions, colossal foreign policy failures, and a precarious economy have left the regime with little bargaining leverage other than its control over the instruments of repression. This asset remains effective in silencing and intimidating dissidents individually, but ineffective in obstructing their collective gravitation around the demand for regime change.
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