The Arab League has backed the Suleiman presidency, which given the reality on the ground is a non-starter. According to Tony Badran, "It seems increasingly like the Syrians simply avoided criticism in Cairo by appearing to back the Arab consensus while at the same time winking to their Lebanese allies to create old-new hurdles. It afforded Syria, in their view, a measure of deniability."

As the current situation in Palestine worsens, let Arabs not forget their past. Events that are portrayed as victories by Arab politicians are not always victories for the Arab people. Last month, the Arab world remembered one of its greatest defeats of the 20th century: the June 1967 war, which marked the end of the hope to wipe out Israel and the loss of East Jerusalem, the West Bank, Gaza, the Sinai, and the Golan Heights.

As the current situation in Palestine worsens, let Arabs not forget their past. Events that are portrayed as victories by Arab politicians are not always victories for the Arab people. Last month, the Arab world remembered one of its greatest defeats of the 20th century: the June 1967 war, which marked the end of the hope to wipe out Israel and the loss of East Jerusalem, the West Bank, Gaza, the Sinai, and the Golan Heights.

In Egypt, the Jews' departure went hand in hand with the ouster of foreigners who had settled years earlier and turned Cairo into a capital of all-night cafes and open-air cinemas, where it was possible to hear people conversing in four or five languages -- French, English, Italian, Greek, Arabic -- in the same breath. According to Khairi Abaza, as many as a million Europeans once called Egypt home, every bit as much as Paris or London or Athens.

Liberals, of Arab and/or Muslim background, living either in the West or in the Arab Muslim world, please … wake up!

I do know you are there, I do read your articles, I do appreciate your ideas, your love and respect for freedom and life, but I feel really disappointed and embarrassed each time I am asked: “Where are they?”, “Don’t you think they are not organised?”, “Why do they hide?”

Liberals, of Arab and/or Muslim background, living either in the West or in the Arab Muslim world, please … wake up!

I do know you are there, I do read your articles, I do appreciate your ideas, your love and respect for freedom and life, but I feel really disappointed and embarrassed each time I am asked: “Where are they?”, “Don’t you think they are not organised?”, “Why do they hide?”

The war in Iraq has exposed fissures in the structure of that modern Middle Eastern state earlier camouflaged by Arab nationalism and Saddam's brutal rule. While Arab leaders speak of unity, the war has uncovered the clout of other power centers - ethnic, sectarian, regional, and tribal - that parallel the state and limit the power of central governments.

The war in Iraq has exposed fissures in the structure of that modern Middle Eastern state earlier camouflaged by Arab nationalism and Saddam's brutal rule. While Arab leaders speak of unity, the war has uncovered the clout of other power centers - ethnic, sectarian, regional, and tribal - that parallel the state and limit the power of central governments.

The late Syrian President Hafez Assad's success in maintaining his grip on power for three decades depended greatly on his skillful use of coercion and cooptation to divide opponents of the regime along ethnic, sectarian, and ideological lines.

His son and successor, Bashar, has failed to manage these divisions. Unfavorable international conditions, colossal foreign policy failures, and a precarious economy have left the regime with little bargaining leverage other than its control over the instruments of repression. This asset remains effective in silencing and intimidating dissidents individually, but ineffective in obstructing their collective gravitation around the demand for regime change.

The late Syrian President Hafez Assad's success in maintaining his grip on power for three decades depended greatly on his skillful use of coercion and cooptation to divide opponents of the regime along ethnic, sectarian, and ideological lines.

His son and successor, Bashar, has failed to manage these divisions. Unfavorable international conditions, colossal foreign policy failures, and a precarious economy have left the regime with little bargaining leverage other than its control over the instruments of repression. This asset remains effective in silencing and intimidating dissidents individually, but ineffective in obstructing their collective gravitation around the demand for regime change.

Despite virtual around-the-clock coverage of the war between Israel and Hezbollah, one important aspect remains poorly understood: the reaction of the 300 million strong "Arab Street." Turn on any Arab television channel, though, and you can't miss the rage and widespread support for Hezbollah and Hamas: streets roiling with protestors, callers to talk programs denouncing Israel and the United States, and clerics defending Hezbollah and calling for holy war.

CLIME Senior Fellow Khairi Abaza comments on Egypt's role in the current Middle East crisis: "The Egyptian-American strategic dialogue - resumed during the visit of Egypt's Foreign Affairs minister - focused on the situation in Lebanon. Generaly speaking, Egypt is an ally of the United States and there is an understanding on foreign policy matters between the two countries; unlike matters related to internal Egyptian politics where the two countries hold different views."

Once again, the Egyptian regime has responded to violence at home by consolidating the authoritarian structure of the state. On April 30, following two deadly terrorist attacks in the Sinai, President Hosni Mubarak extended the emergency laws that have stifled Egyptian liberties since 1981. Then, just last week, Cairo looked like an army garrison when 10,000 police and security forces cracked down on pro-democracy activists demonstrating to express their support for an independent judiciary.

Once again, the Egyptian regime has responded to violence at home by consolidating the authoritarian structure of the state. On April 30, following two deadly terrorist attacks in the Sinai, President Hosni Mubarak extended the emergency laws that have stifled Egyptian liberties since 1981. Then, just last week, Cairo looked like an army garrison when 10,000 police and security forces cracked down on pro-democracy activists demonstrating to express their support for an independent judiciary.

WILLIS: Iraq, of course, facing critical challenges in the days ahead. Tomorrow, political leaders hold a summit to try to break a deadlock on a constitution. Now this document which leads to new elections in December is supposed to be done by August 15th. But the big wild card is the insurgency. So let's go to Washington Talk with Jenny Backus, a Democratic consultant, and Eleana Gordon, she's with the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies.

WILLIS: Iraq, of course, facing critical challenges in the days ahead. Tomorrow, political leaders hold a summit to try to break a deadlock on a constitution. Now this document which leads to new elections in December is supposed to be done by August 15th. But the big wild card is the insurgency. So let's go to Washington Talk with Jenny Backus, a Democratic consultant, and Eleana Gordon, she's with the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies.